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Housing Applications
History
Federal housing assistance
programs began during the Great Depression to address the
country’s housing crisis. In the 1960s and 1970s, the
federal government created subsidy programs to increase the
production of low-income housing and to help families pay
their rent. In 1961, the Section 23 Leased Housing Program
amended the U.S. Housing Act. This subsidy program, the
predecessor to the modern program, was not a pure housing
allowance program. Housing authorities selected eligible
families from their waiting list, placed them in housing
from a master list of available units, and determined the
rent that tenants would have to pay. The housing authority
would then sign a lease with the private landlord and pay
the difference between the tenant’s rent and the market rate
for the same size unit. In the agreement with the private
landlord, housing authorities agreed to perform regular
building maintenance and leasing functions for Section 23
tenants, and annually reviewed the tenant’s income for
program eligibility and rent calculations.
In the 1970s, when studies
showed that the low income housing crisis was no longer
substandard housing, but the high percentage of income spent
on housing, Congress passed the Housing and Community
Development Act of 1974, further amending the U.S. Housing
Act of 1937 to create the Section 8 Program. In the Section
8 Program, tenants pay about 30 percent of their income for
rent, while the rest of the rent is paid with federal money.
The Section 8 program
initially had three subprograms — New Construction,
Substantial Rehabilitation, and Existing Housing Certificate
programs. The Moderate Rehabilitation Program was added in
1978, the Voucher Program in 1983, and the Project-based
Certificate program in 1991. The numbers of units a local
housing authority can subsidize under its Section 8 programs
is determined by Congressional funding. Since its inception,
some Section 8 programs have been phased out and new ones
created, although Congress has always renewed existing
subsidies.
HR1851, the Section 8 Voucher
Reform Act of 2007 (SEVRA), was introduced in the House of
Representatives to reform Section 8 of the United States
Housing Act of 1937. It was passed by the House in July,
2007, and went to the Senate for study and consideration as
Senate version, S. 2684, filed on March 3, 2008 by Senator
Christopher Dodd, chair of Senate Banking Committee.
Summary of the program
Currently, the main Section 8
program involves the voucher program. A voucher may be
either "project-based" (where its use is limited to a
specific apartment complex; public housing agencies (PHAs)
may reserve up to 20% of its vouchers as such.) or
"tenant-based" (where the tenant is free to choose a unit in
the private sector, is not limited to specific complexes,
and may reside anywhere in the United States or Puerto Rico
where a PHA operates a Section 8 program, though in practice
such portability is very difficult).
Under the voucher program,
individuals or families with a voucher find and lease a unit
(either in a specified complex or in the private sector) and
pay a portion of the rent (based on income, but generally no
more than 30% of the family's income).
There is an asset test in
addition to earned income. Over a certain amount, HUD will
add income even if the Section 8 tenant doesn't receive any
interest income from, for example, a bank account. HUD calls
this "imputed income from assets" and in the case of a bank
account, HUD establishes a standard "Passbook Savings Rate"
to calculate the imputed income from the asset. This makes
the tenant's contribution higher since his gross income is
made higher.
The PHA pays the landlord the
remainder of the rent over the tenant's portion, subject to
a cap referred to as "Fair Market Rent" (FMR) which is
determined by HUD. FMR is determined by several factors,
including:
* the geographic area (city or county) where the unit is located (generally, a unit in a metropolitan area will have a higher FMR),
* the unit size (in terms of the number of bedrooms; generally, the more bedrooms the higher the FMR, while a studio apartment would be at the low end), and
* whether the owner or
tenant will pay utilities (generally, FMR is higher for
units where the owner pays utilities).
The landlord cannot charge a
Section 8 tenant more than FMR and cannot accept payments
outside the contract which would cause the total rent to
exceed FMR.
In addition, landlords,
though required to meet fair housing laws, are not required
to participate in the Section 8 program. As a result, some
landlords will not accept a Section 8 tenant. This can be
attributed to such factors as:
* not wanting the government involved in their business, such as having a full inspection of their premises for HUD's Housing Quality Standards (HQS) and the possible remediations required,
* fear that a Section 8 tenant will not properly maintain the premises,
* a desire to charge a rent for the unit above FMR,
* unwillingness to
initiate judicial action for eviction of a tenant (HUD
requires that Section 8 tenants can only be evicted by
judicial action, even where state law allows other
procedures).
However, other landlords
willingly accept Section 8 tenants, due to:
* a large available pool of potential renters (the waiting list for new Section 8 tenants is usually very long, see below),
* generally prompt regular payments from the PHA for its share of the rent, and/or
* a perceived higher
quality of tenants, since a tenant can be permanently
removed from the Section 8 program if s/he damages the
rental unit and/or fails to pay his/her share of the rent.
Whether voucher or
project-based, all subsidized units must meet HQS, thus
ensuring that the family has a healthy and safe place to
live. This improvement in the housing stock is an important
by-product of this program, both for the individual families
and for the larger goal of community development.
In many localities, the PHA
waiting lists for Section 8 vouchers may be thousands of
families long, waits of three to five years to access
vouchers is common, and many lists are closed to new
applicants.
Families who participate in
the program must abide by a series of rules and regulations,
often referred to as "family obligations," in order to
maintain their voucher, including accurately reporting to
the PHA all changes in household income and/or family
composition so the amount of their subsidy (and the
applicable rental unit size limitation) can be updated
accordingly. In recent years, the HUD Office of the
Inspector General has spent more time and money on fraud
detection and prevention.
Currently, there are no time limits for family participation in the program, though occasionally reform bills are introduced in Congress that suggest time limiting the program.
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